It is often too easy to say one understands gender equality issues, and I have said so, myself, many times. But a recent debate and discussion in the MISA office over the graphic pictures of a woman in birth, taken in Zambia a few weeks ago, apparently to demonstrate the collapse of the health delivery system as a result of a health workers strike, left me wondering whether there is more to the gender equality struggle and debate than what I know and would want to know. I am left wondering how deep does the gender debate arouse and prickle our cultural, religious and indeed manly sensitivities. I was shocked by what I saw in the pictures. This shock that I expressed in emails to colleagues, both mothers and seasoned activists in their own right, left me wondering whether when we talk about gender there are surface and deeper meanings that we all miss.
First, the two pictures taken in June in Lusaka, Zambia’s capital, are indeed graphic and demonstrate the suffering the woman was going through and the fear on the faces friends and relatives who were trying to assist. The government in Zambia and the women’s movement are up in arms, accusing The Post newspaper of distributing pornography. On its part newspaper says it neither published nor took the pictures but simply forwarded them to select authorities with a note expressing concern on the state of health delivery in Zambia. The News editor was picked-up by the police and made to sign a warned and cautioned statement. She might still face trial.
My interaction with the images brought me to a world which I thought I knew, gender, women, equality. I talk and address these issues all the time. Our discussion on the pictures however brought a dimensions about the gender debate, that when we talk of gender and gender equality it is more than what one says and does but ‘THE LIVED’ experience and how as a man, despite all my good intentions, I can so easily miss the bigger picture.
I argued that maybe this woman was never consulted, did not consent to have the pictures taken and was to some extent used as a guinea pig and tool in a much bigger political game. The response from my two colleagues brought me to realise that maybe there is a cultural framing and societal structure and lenses that we men use to view women, and that there are many things about the women’s body, and role that we are not comfortable with. Women in birth, women in old age, women demonstrating masculinity and women in power are some of the things that came to mind. In the case of the Zambia pictures, President Rupiah Banda’s government leaped on this as an opportunity to reignite its fight with its nemesis The Post newspaper. The government leaped on this as an opportunity to divert attention from its failings on health delivery. The government lambasted the newspaper for distributing pornography. Cheering on the government corner, lo and behold, was the women’s movement in Zambia in all its shades and colours. The groups raised dust accusing the newspaper of disrespecting women’s bodies, dignity and all sorts. The political opportunism of the government is well understood, that is what politicians are like, quick at blaming and quick at diversion. What about the Zambia women’s movement?
We agreed in the short discussion that while we are all activist, still we are men and women, we belong to families, and we belong to a society. We belong to religious groups, we hold political views and opinions, and we carry our baggage wherever we go. This brings us back to the Zambia women’s movement. Which hat where they wearing when they attacked The Post newspaper and whose interests were they advancing between the suffering women and President Banda? Where they wearing their activism and gender equality hats or their cultural hat as submissive women who should be all fearing and in perpetual awe of the powerful men, or maybe they just decided to take a political stance against the newspaper?. It became clear in our discussion that the Women’s movement in Zambia and indeed a broad section of civic society did not take time to reflect and think deeper about these pictures. These pictures were not concocted, but ‘THE TRUTH’. The truth that women in Zambia, poor women who cannot afford private hospitals, doctors or even to be flown to Johannesburg are giving birth in the open, with no health care, traumatised and possibly dying. It was explained to me, that the baby that was being born as shown in the pictures, was in fact ‘breached’, that is coming out legs and body first, instead of head first. It was further explained to me by my colleagues that the baby would probably die and that should the mother have been receiving medical care, this situation would have been corrected. For me the birth was a messy affair that I could not comprehend. For our Zambian women movement it becomes clear that they missed the bigger picture that the Rupiah Banda government should be held accountable for putting the lives of women in serious danger. It is possible that the baby in those pictures died, it is possible also that the mother died or is seriously ill. Forget the privacy issues, lets us look at the bigger picture, the public good and interest issue, which is the lives and health of women. This is the message my colleagues emphasised on me. The concerned Minister of Health, in a democracy might have resigned and an official enquiry set up. In Africa life is cheap hence the Zambia government got away with a gross human rights violation. And those who are supposed to be the avant-garde fighting for women rights were sleeping. Again this raises another issues, how related are gender issues to politics and are women’s groups prepared to challenge politicians and get dirty in the process. I think not, women’s movements throughout Africa still have a long way to go. Gender equality is conducted as the neatest, most innocent, most unthreatening and apolitical process in the world. My experience with the Zambian pictures has taught me that gender equality is a messy business, highly political, about life and death. Women’s groups in Zambia and in Africa should be prepared to tackle these issues beyond rhetoric, hotel conferences, glossy newsletters and radio talk shows but tackle the root cause of the problem, which is political and cultural.
Key in this process are issues of access to information and how they are linked to the need for the public to know. If these picture had not been taken it is possible that the citizens of Zambia would imagine and indeed think that all is well, hence not challenge their government on its shortcomings. Access to information is therefore a critical element that either determined the life or death of the woman and the baby. It is access to information at various levels and in various stands that was shortcoming. Access to health information, i.e. did this woman have access to information on her condition, did she have access to information on alternatives, did she have acces to information on heath facilities and services available if any?. If not does the Zambia community have access to information on how much the government is spending on health, does society have access to information on the causes of the strike and government actions to resolve the crisis. These questions will never be answered, but are the cause why civic society should remain true to its calling, that is seek accountability, transparency and a better life for citizens. The woman and the baby in those pictures deserved better. The Zambia women’s movement needs to wake up, President Band and his government are politicians they can be voted out should Zambians decide so in 2011. // End//
Friday, 10 July 2009
Wednesday, 24 June 2009
Tanzania’s fading dream: The return of disappointment- Rashweat Mukundu
CNN recently featured Tanzanian President Jakaya Kikwete in all glowing coverage that portrays him as a decent and promising leader in Africa. The coverage hovered around phantom developmental issues that the President has achieved and of course continuing sympathies over the terrorist bombings in Tanzania that took place a few years ago. I however beg to differ with CNN especially if one looks at developments in that country. The death and injury of many from unsecured army weapons that exploded last month to the recent granting of USD 3 million in damages to a leading businessperson and ruling party politician against a leading but small and struggling newspaper, ‘Mwanahalisi’ shows a country desperate for true and visionary leadership. My argument is anchored on the sad but inspirational story of ‘Mwanahalisi’ newspaper, which for some reason never found its way into the CNN discussion, at least for its significance as an attack on the free press.
The source of the legal case that the newspaper lost, the Richmond saga as it is known is a true story of monumental corruption and it resulted in senior politicians and government officials getting into trouble. It is one of the many stories of corruption that the media has exposed. It seems it payback time for the ‘Mwanahalisi’. The alleged damages to this politician have not stopped him from being an MP and running his business empire, he did not suffer a stroke as a result of ‘Mwanahalisi’ story. One would think with such as award the politician committed suicide, hence the level of monetary damages awarded. In this instance the justice system in Tanzania has to be questioned and rightfully so. Is it truly independent and how does it relate to the Tanzanian society? It is part of the establishment and elite groups attempting to thwart dissent?
On a recent visit to Tanzania, a senior editor of one of the leading media groups remarked to us that Tanzania is increasingly becoming a dangerous place for journalists and the media in general.
“Losing one case is enough to shut down whole” newspaper she said in March 2009. This statement might come out to be prophetic as lasty month the High Court awarded damages of close to USD 3 million to ruling party MP and well known businessman. This ruling against the ‘Mwanahalisi’ newspapers, a young and bold investigative newspaper sums up the situation in Tanzania. After hopes raised by economic revival in the 1990s and early 2000s, the human rights costs of this facade of a stable, peaceful country is finally being exposed for what it is, a sham. For starters one really wonders how ‘Mwanahalisi’ can pay USD 3 Million, for a story that in the public court was true, serve for a few errors that have been exploited by some politicians. Leading figures in the government were sent to jail and others resigned over this matter. While the principle is to given the judiciary all protection and respect, one really wonders how the judge reached a damage ward of USD 3 million in country were the majority survives on less than a dollar a day. Is this ruling a just ruling, we ask? Is this ruling meant to ensure justice and leave the newspaper surviving or is in fact an opportunity to deal with the ‘Mwanahalisi’ once and for all. For those of my readers not in the picture, ‘Mwanahalisi’ is a Swahili weekly, owned and run by a young team of Tanzanian journalists, operates from what others might called backyard offices, was shut down in 2008 for allegedly impugning on the name of the head of state, President Kikwete. Before that its editor Saed Kubunea was scalded with acid, beaten up, left for dead and almost; lost his sight. The ‘Mwanahalisi’ was instrumental in exposing what is now known as the Richmond saga in Tanzania where senior government officials received bribes to push for the purchase of obsolete power generators for Tanzania from the USA. The newspaper has also exposed other serious official corruption cases in Tanzania. For all its work and efforts the newspaper is now saddled with USD 3 Million in damages for allegedly defaming a ruling party and prominent businessperson in the Richmond deal. The judiciary, in its wisdom or lack of it, saw it fit that the damage to this official is worth 3 USD million not shillings, but USD.
Corruption is a disease that many agree has eaten Africa to the bone. That is not difficult to see even as one walks the streets of Dar. Ordinary people hassle for life in the streets, public transport is in disarray, roads are pot holed that one can even fish in them and any semblance of planning is zero. In the same streets, one sees the latest four wheel drive 4x4s and some of the officials exposed by Mwanahalisi are known to have stashed millions of USD, ill gotten wealth in overseas banks. The newspaper exposed this, and had its offices and the house of Kubenea raided and some computers and documents confiscated. For all its supposed good name, peace and so called economic progress, Tanzania is on the contrary regressing. I say so because no country and no government confident of itself and its projects and closeness to people, can harass a small newspapers as is happening to Mwanahalisi. This is in a country where there is no access to information laws, where getting the slightest of government information is a hassle. While the Tanzania of yesteryear failed because of inappropriate economic policies, at least Nyerere cycled around on his bicycle and rode an old, ordinary car. What of Kikwete and the team that surrounds him? What has this government done to improve the lives of people?
Tanzanian dreams, disappointed after a false start at independence, face yet another hurdle as the new system, a dog eat dog primitive capitalist system devour even its own children. The Mwanahalisi is suffering not because it is such a bad paper; it is suffering because it has dared to challenge the clique that is feeding on the system. This clique obviously has political protection, striving on intimidation, bribery, pseudo media enterprises and greasing the palms of those with power. It is time the international community rise to the human rights threats in Tanzania. A stable Tanzania has always been a key factor in the sub region. At some point in its life, the University of Dar was bedrock of African nationalism and revival. We wonder what to say about Dar today. The death of Mwanahalisi, should it ever come, will be a victory of evil over good, the losers in all this will be the people of Tanzania, ordinary man and women many I saw queuing hours long to ride home in creaking, life threatening buses, many who cannot even pay fees for their children, many who cannot afford to buy or build a house, many who are fed empty promises year in and years out, many who faced unsecured bombs and paid with their lives recently, many who survive in the streets of Dar. Its time we tell the Tanzanian government that their good boy image is soiled. It is time we stand by the people of Tanzania. This charade cannot go on forever //End//
The source of the legal case that the newspaper lost, the Richmond saga as it is known is a true story of monumental corruption and it resulted in senior politicians and government officials getting into trouble. It is one of the many stories of corruption that the media has exposed. It seems it payback time for the ‘Mwanahalisi’. The alleged damages to this politician have not stopped him from being an MP and running his business empire, he did not suffer a stroke as a result of ‘Mwanahalisi’ story. One would think with such as award the politician committed suicide, hence the level of monetary damages awarded. In this instance the justice system in Tanzania has to be questioned and rightfully so. Is it truly independent and how does it relate to the Tanzanian society? It is part of the establishment and elite groups attempting to thwart dissent?
On a recent visit to Tanzania, a senior editor of one of the leading media groups remarked to us that Tanzania is increasingly becoming a dangerous place for journalists and the media in general.
“Losing one case is enough to shut down whole” newspaper she said in March 2009. This statement might come out to be prophetic as lasty month the High Court awarded damages of close to USD 3 million to ruling party MP and well known businessman. This ruling against the ‘Mwanahalisi’ newspapers, a young and bold investigative newspaper sums up the situation in Tanzania. After hopes raised by economic revival in the 1990s and early 2000s, the human rights costs of this facade of a stable, peaceful country is finally being exposed for what it is, a sham. For starters one really wonders how ‘Mwanahalisi’ can pay USD 3 Million, for a story that in the public court was true, serve for a few errors that have been exploited by some politicians. Leading figures in the government were sent to jail and others resigned over this matter. While the principle is to given the judiciary all protection and respect, one really wonders how the judge reached a damage ward of USD 3 million in country were the majority survives on less than a dollar a day. Is this ruling a just ruling, we ask? Is this ruling meant to ensure justice and leave the newspaper surviving or is in fact an opportunity to deal with the ‘Mwanahalisi’ once and for all. For those of my readers not in the picture, ‘Mwanahalisi’ is a Swahili weekly, owned and run by a young team of Tanzanian journalists, operates from what others might called backyard offices, was shut down in 2008 for allegedly impugning on the name of the head of state, President Kikwete. Before that its editor Saed Kubunea was scalded with acid, beaten up, left for dead and almost; lost his sight. The ‘Mwanahalisi’ was instrumental in exposing what is now known as the Richmond saga in Tanzania where senior government officials received bribes to push for the purchase of obsolete power generators for Tanzania from the USA. The newspaper has also exposed other serious official corruption cases in Tanzania. For all its work and efforts the newspaper is now saddled with USD 3 Million in damages for allegedly defaming a ruling party and prominent businessperson in the Richmond deal. The judiciary, in its wisdom or lack of it, saw it fit that the damage to this official is worth 3 USD million not shillings, but USD.
Corruption is a disease that many agree has eaten Africa to the bone. That is not difficult to see even as one walks the streets of Dar. Ordinary people hassle for life in the streets, public transport is in disarray, roads are pot holed that one can even fish in them and any semblance of planning is zero. In the same streets, one sees the latest four wheel drive 4x4s and some of the officials exposed by Mwanahalisi are known to have stashed millions of USD, ill gotten wealth in overseas banks. The newspaper exposed this, and had its offices and the house of Kubenea raided and some computers and documents confiscated. For all its supposed good name, peace and so called economic progress, Tanzania is on the contrary regressing. I say so because no country and no government confident of itself and its projects and closeness to people, can harass a small newspapers as is happening to Mwanahalisi. This is in a country where there is no access to information laws, where getting the slightest of government information is a hassle. While the Tanzania of yesteryear failed because of inappropriate economic policies, at least Nyerere cycled around on his bicycle and rode an old, ordinary car. What of Kikwete and the team that surrounds him? What has this government done to improve the lives of people?
Tanzanian dreams, disappointed after a false start at independence, face yet another hurdle as the new system, a dog eat dog primitive capitalist system devour even its own children. The Mwanahalisi is suffering not because it is such a bad paper; it is suffering because it has dared to challenge the clique that is feeding on the system. This clique obviously has political protection, striving on intimidation, bribery, pseudo media enterprises and greasing the palms of those with power. It is time the international community rise to the human rights threats in Tanzania. A stable Tanzania has always been a key factor in the sub region. At some point in its life, the University of Dar was bedrock of African nationalism and revival. We wonder what to say about Dar today. The death of Mwanahalisi, should it ever come, will be a victory of evil over good, the losers in all this will be the people of Tanzania, ordinary man and women many I saw queuing hours long to ride home in creaking, life threatening buses, many who cannot even pay fees for their children, many who cannot afford to buy or build a house, many who are fed empty promises year in and years out, many who faced unsecured bombs and paid with their lives recently, many who survive in the streets of Dar. Its time we tell the Tanzanian government that their good boy image is soiled. It is time we stand by the people of Tanzania. This charade cannot go on forever //End//
Friday, 19 June 2009
Reform key to Zanu PF Survival- Rashweat Mukundu
Reform key to Zanu PF Survival - Rashweat Mukundu
A FEW weeks ago Zanu PF took the rare step of announcing that it had set up a committee to address the issue of succession within the party. This announcement, made after a politburo meeting, was also accompanied by the announcement that another committee to deal with ideological issues had been set up.
The issue of succession and ideology are key to Zanu PF’s survival beyond President Robert Mugabe. By making this announcement the party leadership has set in motion a process that it might not be able to stop. Zimbabweans would be expectant that finally the party might come to terms with and sense its self-destructive mode and take a new turn, hopefully for the better.
For Zimbabweans, the Zambia situation where the Movement for Multiparty Democracy now dominates the political scene like the former Unip of Kenneth Kaunda shows that in the long run Zimbabwe’s democracy will benefit from a reformed and democratic Zanu PF. The complete dominance of the body politic by one party has to be avoided. And in any case, it will be interesting to see if a new political alternative to the current Zanu PF and MDC ideological positions can emerge within Zanu PF.
It was the demise of Chairman Mao in China, infamous for his violent Cultural Revolution and intolerance of dissent, that resulted in a major turn on economic reform. The China we see today, though not the best example on democracy, is an outcome of reform that started in the Communist Party of China. Without this, China would have gone through another cultural revolution as Zimbabwe has seen a third Chimurenga, with destructive results.
It is possible that nothing much can be achieved from these announcements. The issue of succession has been talked of in Zanu PF before and Zanu PF is inconsistent in words and delivery. This issue has also been used by Mugabe to bait the ambitious who have been exposed and dealt with ruthlessly. The fate of the likes of Dr Eddison Zvobgo was sealed on the succession question. Zvobgo was more poignant, likening the succession question in Zanu PF with the story of the madman of Ngomahuru, who upon the receiving the baton in a relay race ran away with it into the mountains. The consequence is that the madman’s team lost the race.
Indeed President Mugabe and Zanu PF have lost the race, as well as the trust and faith of the people of Zimbabwe. The party’s hold on power through democratic means has slipped. The party now survives on violence, deception and patronage. Without violence and its dwindling patronage system, the centre cannot hold in Zanu PF.
The announcements appear to be a belated realisation that a top leadership hitting the mid 80s cannot be relied upon to take the party into the future. Zanu PF has been blind to the fact that since the mid-1990s it lost the people of Zimbabwe completely. This is despite the failure to unite the nation soon after Independence leading to the massacres of innocent civilians in Matabeleland. Zanu PF faces the real possibility of complete demise if it mishandles its succession issue.
At the centre of this succession is the need for a credible and visionary leadership to rise within the party. A leadership that can lead with brains and vision and not violence and patronage as we have seen in the past. It is clear that the patronage system of Zanu PF has permeated all facets of its political body and the state. A senior official in the Local Government ministry is known to boast that he is not a member of Zanu PF, but a shareholder. People who have shouted the loudest in support of Mugabe have suddenly become rich, not only owning ill-gotten farms but also getting all sorts of deals to supply this and that.
City council security guards, who a few years ago were doing commendably well by arresting pickpockets at Mbare Musika now have a new and enriching vocation, shouting praises of President Mugabe and are now living pretty. Zanu PF has relied so much on its abuse of state security organs, the CIO, army and police to the extent that not many people have any trust in these.
But this abuse cannot go on forever. At some point the vakomana, meaning security chiefs that Zanu PF has relied on so much, will also have to give up. Zanu PF has looked outward to external forces such as the security forces and patronage to maintain its hold on power. Failure of the party to realise these weaknesses and take them into account as part of the succession debate and ideological refocus means the future of the party is doomed.
Those who have stood by Zanu PF, especially the security chiefs, have created a false sense of security based on browbeating citizens and the opposition. The same grouping has lacked the foresight to realise they still need to be trusted by the people and must show a vision that can be shared.
It is here that the ideological committee set up by the politburo and includes the likes of Didymus Mutasa comes in. A critical question that it has to answer is:
will the committee be willing to face Zanu
PF’s demons in the face and seek to exorcise them?
These demons include an archaic, redundant and unattractive ideology. This ideology is based on the politics of either being with us or against us, race and ethnicity and conceptions of belonging and homogeneity which neither tolerate dissent nor respect basic principles of democracy. In this politics of Zanu PF, all citizens are expected to reconcile their views with those of Zanu PF and accept to be subservient to the dominance of Zanu PF, literally, to survive.
There is nothing wrong with Zanu PF advancing its nationalist ideology, as long as this is done persuasively and in the interest of the country. However, Zanu PF nationalism is a convoluted political position driven by an insatiable love of power. Since 2000, Zanu PF has shown total disdain for the MDC, and all its actions have been driven by hatred of the MDC and not selling its programmes and winning the hearts and minds of citizens.
Moving forward, one hopes that Zanu PF, as a minority party, will seek to reengage the people of Zimbabwe on what it can offer. As a minority party, Zanu PF can no longer afford to bury its head in the sand like the proverbial ostrich, but actively seek to locate the heart beat of society, by reforming and repenting from its bad ways.
Zanu PF needs to abandon its ideology of deprivation, nepotism, violence and chaos and reengage all sectors in Zimbabwe from academia, civil society, business and labour if it is to be a party of the future. Otherwise all the efforts at succession and ideological reform will come to naught. Despite its appearance of strength and the grandstanding of security chiefs, Zanu PF is really in a corner and a shell of its former self.
Rashweat Mukundu is a Programme Specialist: Media Freedom Monitoring, Misa Regional Secretariat.
A FEW weeks ago Zanu PF took the rare step of announcing that it had set up a committee to address the issue of succession within the party. This announcement, made after a politburo meeting, was also accompanied by the announcement that another committee to deal with ideological issues had been set up.
The issue of succession and ideology are key to Zanu PF’s survival beyond President Robert Mugabe. By making this announcement the party leadership has set in motion a process that it might not be able to stop. Zimbabweans would be expectant that finally the party might come to terms with and sense its self-destructive mode and take a new turn, hopefully for the better.
For Zimbabweans, the Zambia situation where the Movement for Multiparty Democracy now dominates the political scene like the former Unip of Kenneth Kaunda shows that in the long run Zimbabwe’s democracy will benefit from a reformed and democratic Zanu PF. The complete dominance of the body politic by one party has to be avoided. And in any case, it will be interesting to see if a new political alternative to the current Zanu PF and MDC ideological positions can emerge within Zanu PF.
It was the demise of Chairman Mao in China, infamous for his violent Cultural Revolution and intolerance of dissent, that resulted in a major turn on economic reform. The China we see today, though not the best example on democracy, is an outcome of reform that started in the Communist Party of China. Without this, China would have gone through another cultural revolution as Zimbabwe has seen a third Chimurenga, with destructive results.
It is possible that nothing much can be achieved from these announcements. The issue of succession has been talked of in Zanu PF before and Zanu PF is inconsistent in words and delivery. This issue has also been used by Mugabe to bait the ambitious who have been exposed and dealt with ruthlessly. The fate of the likes of Dr Eddison Zvobgo was sealed on the succession question. Zvobgo was more poignant, likening the succession question in Zanu PF with the story of the madman of Ngomahuru, who upon the receiving the baton in a relay race ran away with it into the mountains. The consequence is that the madman’s team lost the race.
Indeed President Mugabe and Zanu PF have lost the race, as well as the trust and faith of the people of Zimbabwe. The party’s hold on power through democratic means has slipped. The party now survives on violence, deception and patronage. Without violence and its dwindling patronage system, the centre cannot hold in Zanu PF.
The announcements appear to be a belated realisation that a top leadership hitting the mid 80s cannot be relied upon to take the party into the future. Zanu PF has been blind to the fact that since the mid-1990s it lost the people of Zimbabwe completely. This is despite the failure to unite the nation soon after Independence leading to the massacres of innocent civilians in Matabeleland. Zanu PF faces the real possibility of complete demise if it mishandles its succession issue.
At the centre of this succession is the need for a credible and visionary leadership to rise within the party. A leadership that can lead with brains and vision and not violence and patronage as we have seen in the past. It is clear that the patronage system of Zanu PF has permeated all facets of its political body and the state. A senior official in the Local Government ministry is known to boast that he is not a member of Zanu PF, but a shareholder. People who have shouted the loudest in support of Mugabe have suddenly become rich, not only owning ill-gotten farms but also getting all sorts of deals to supply this and that.
City council security guards, who a few years ago were doing commendably well by arresting pickpockets at Mbare Musika now have a new and enriching vocation, shouting praises of President Mugabe and are now living pretty. Zanu PF has relied so much on its abuse of state security organs, the CIO, army and police to the extent that not many people have any trust in these.
But this abuse cannot go on forever. At some point the vakomana, meaning security chiefs that Zanu PF has relied on so much, will also have to give up. Zanu PF has looked outward to external forces such as the security forces and patronage to maintain its hold on power. Failure of the party to realise these weaknesses and take them into account as part of the succession debate and ideological refocus means the future of the party is doomed.
Those who have stood by Zanu PF, especially the security chiefs, have created a false sense of security based on browbeating citizens and the opposition. The same grouping has lacked the foresight to realise they still need to be trusted by the people and must show a vision that can be shared.
It is here that the ideological committee set up by the politburo and includes the likes of Didymus Mutasa comes in. A critical question that it has to answer is:
will the committee be willing to face Zanu
PF’s demons in the face and seek to exorcise them?
These demons include an archaic, redundant and unattractive ideology. This ideology is based on the politics of either being with us or against us, race and ethnicity and conceptions of belonging and homogeneity which neither tolerate dissent nor respect basic principles of democracy. In this politics of Zanu PF, all citizens are expected to reconcile their views with those of Zanu PF and accept to be subservient to the dominance of Zanu PF, literally, to survive.
There is nothing wrong with Zanu PF advancing its nationalist ideology, as long as this is done persuasively and in the interest of the country. However, Zanu PF nationalism is a convoluted political position driven by an insatiable love of power. Since 2000, Zanu PF has shown total disdain for the MDC, and all its actions have been driven by hatred of the MDC and not selling its programmes and winning the hearts and minds of citizens.
Moving forward, one hopes that Zanu PF, as a minority party, will seek to reengage the people of Zimbabwe on what it can offer. As a minority party, Zanu PF can no longer afford to bury its head in the sand like the proverbial ostrich, but actively seek to locate the heart beat of society, by reforming and repenting from its bad ways.
Zanu PF needs to abandon its ideology of deprivation, nepotism, violence and chaos and reengage all sectors in Zimbabwe from academia, civil society, business and labour if it is to be a party of the future. Otherwise all the efforts at succession and ideological reform will come to naught. Despite its appearance of strength and the grandstanding of security chiefs, Zanu PF is really in a corner and a shell of its former self.
Rashweat Mukundu is a Programme Specialist: Media Freedom Monitoring, Misa Regional Secretariat.
Friday, 15 May 2009
Media Reform Conference Missed the Point – By Rashweat Mukundu
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/index.php/opinion/22598-media-reform-conference-missed-the-point
Thursday, 14 May 2009 17:46
IF one is to go by the Herald of May 11, the much publicised Media Conference on media reform organised by the Ministry of Information and Publicity confirmed fears that many had, and indeed the fears that led many in the media to stay away — that this was a sham of a conference.
First the Herald says the main issue that came out of the conference is that sanctions should be lifted to level the media playing field. It boggles the mind how that issue ever arose in a conference around media in Zimbabwe, of all places.
And which level playing field is the Herald talking about? Does this level playing field relate to the dominance of the state media, the Herald included, in information dissemination in Zimbabwe? This matter is made so obvious by the fact that the only daily newspapers in Zimbabwe are those owned by Zimpapers after the violent shut down of the Associated Newspapers of Zimbabwe.
Does this level playing field relate to the dominance of the ZBC which is the sole broadcasting station in Zimbabwe? Does this playing field relate to the detention of Andrisson Manyere who is languishing under police guard in hospital, after being abducted, detained incommunicado?
We ask the question whether this level playing field also relates to the bombings of the Daily News, the hounding out of the country of hundreds of journalists and the arrest of Zimbabwe Independent editors for publishing the story on police complicity in the abduction of Jestina Mukoko, Manyere and others in December.
The Herald did the sceptics of this conference a huge favour by confirming that nothing has changed in the thinking of the Zanu PF government.
The much talked about media conference obviously came to nothing because it was never meant to be about reform, but a confirmation of the desire by the new government to perpetuate the current media law regime by tinkering with the periphery while leaving the centre intact.
This conference completely missed the point by attempting to be a public bus open to all views, including the absurd, to be discussed, except genuine reform.
This newspaper questioned a few weeks ago why some strange topics were included in the programme for this conference.
This conference, we later heard from the former Minister of Information and Publicity Jonathan Moyo writing online, was meant to address those same queries that the media has on the continued harassment of the media. Does it take a conference to raise complaints on the arrests of journalists? Has Zimbabwe sunk this far?
Coming back to the issue of the conference, the Herald story did us favour by exposing, from the unity government point of view, a failure to grasp what a media law conference or discussion is all about.
Such an issue cannot be tackled from a chaotic point of view as has prevailed where all and sundry could present as they please and talk about what might amount to a desire to build a ladder to the moon, censoring the web and shortwave broadcasts.
The main issues around media and freedom of expression in Zimbabwe remain the skewed, repressive media laws and abuse of the state media by Zanu PF and its functionaries. Media reforms in Zimbabwe would therefore have to look first at the state policies in relation to media issues, especially how the state, through its arsenal of laws, has virtually destroyed the media in Zimbabwe — save for a few newspapers — harassed for exposing state abuse of citizens.
The critical matter around levelling the Zimbabwe media playing field is removing restrictions on the operations of the media and the enactment of laws and policies that guarantee the independence of the state media.
Those in support on this conference cannot pretend that the state media is under any sort of pressure and that the private media in Zimbabwe is a domineering giant suppressing or misrepresenting the voice of those in government and Zimbabwe. The role of the international media is not a concern to Zimbabweans because we neither own, nor have the power to change, the CNN or BBC.
We can however change our own situation, after all the majority of Zimbabweans get their news locally and would appreciate having more local media. In this regard the conference had to acknowledge that the private media is so vulnerable and weak in Zimbabwe and any serious discussion on levelling the playing field has to start with the reasons for this decline, the closure of the Daily News, Tribune and other newspapers.
Such a discussion has to start with genuine policy issues around opening the airwaves and guaranteeing the independence of the ZBC so that it can represent all voices. The unity government cannot speak of regulation of the print media, success so far.
Who does not know of the “successes” of Zanu PF in regulating the media. Does it take a conference to know that the MIC shut down four newspapers and hounded hundreds of journalist out of the country? And is it the intention of the unity government to continue with the Mahoso-style of media regulation? If so shame on the unity government for this kind of thinking.
Serious discussion on reforms should look into the Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe, the Zimbabwe Media Commission and the Post and Telecommunications Regulatory Authority and how these are not democratically constituted to play any meaningful role in advancing media and communication issues.
The unity government cannot pretend, serve out of ignorance, that these bodies can license, regulate the media and the communications sector in a fair manner while they are not only weak, but directly under the control of politicians. The bodies also lack any technical capacity and independence to make decisions without political interference.
Media reforms cannot start on or be built on lies that we have regulatory bodies when in fact we have bodies that play a secretarial role to the decisions of politicians.
What did the conference say as an example about the closure of the Daily News, and other newspapers? What did the conference say about the continued detention of journalists? What did the conference say about the biased reporting of Zimpapers publications and ZBC?
What did the conference say about the continued coverage of Zanu PF cell meetings and not those of MDC-T, MDC M, NDU, Zanu Ndonga etc?
It is a shame that the unity government, especially those from the MDC, is being misled and abused in validating Zanu PF’s cover–up conferences. Without fundamentally looking at what the problems in the media in Zimbabwe are, we might as well forget about any meaningful reforms coming up.
The first point of call for any serious media conference is therefore the state or precisely Zanu PF polices on the media. Once we agree that these need reform, everything else will fall into place and citizens can agree on the media we all want. The failure by the unity government to condemn and do away with laws such as Aippa and BSA, among others, shows a lack of sincerity.
The media conference should have understood that in this day and age you cannot waste time discussing radio stations that are broadcasting on shortwave and internet-based sites. Who has control over these and who has the power in Zimbabwe to stop them?
The unity government however has the power to remove Aippa, license new broadcasters, reform the ZBC and Zimpapers to make them relevant to the needs of the people. These are the reforms that people are looking for.
Thursday, 14 May 2009 17:46
IF one is to go by the Herald of May 11, the much publicised Media Conference on media reform organised by the Ministry of Information and Publicity confirmed fears that many had, and indeed the fears that led many in the media to stay away — that this was a sham of a conference.
First the Herald says the main issue that came out of the conference is that sanctions should be lifted to level the media playing field. It boggles the mind how that issue ever arose in a conference around media in Zimbabwe, of all places.
And which level playing field is the Herald talking about? Does this level playing field relate to the dominance of the state media, the Herald included, in information dissemination in Zimbabwe? This matter is made so obvious by the fact that the only daily newspapers in Zimbabwe are those owned by Zimpapers after the violent shut down of the Associated Newspapers of Zimbabwe.
Does this level playing field relate to the dominance of the ZBC which is the sole broadcasting station in Zimbabwe? Does this playing field relate to the detention of Andrisson Manyere who is languishing under police guard in hospital, after being abducted, detained incommunicado?
We ask the question whether this level playing field also relates to the bombings of the Daily News, the hounding out of the country of hundreds of journalists and the arrest of Zimbabwe Independent editors for publishing the story on police complicity in the abduction of Jestina Mukoko, Manyere and others in December.
The Herald did the sceptics of this conference a huge favour by confirming that nothing has changed in the thinking of the Zanu PF government.
The much talked about media conference obviously came to nothing because it was never meant to be about reform, but a confirmation of the desire by the new government to perpetuate the current media law regime by tinkering with the periphery while leaving the centre intact.
This conference completely missed the point by attempting to be a public bus open to all views, including the absurd, to be discussed, except genuine reform.
This newspaper questioned a few weeks ago why some strange topics were included in the programme for this conference.
This conference, we later heard from the former Minister of Information and Publicity Jonathan Moyo writing online, was meant to address those same queries that the media has on the continued harassment of the media. Does it take a conference to raise complaints on the arrests of journalists? Has Zimbabwe sunk this far?
Coming back to the issue of the conference, the Herald story did us favour by exposing, from the unity government point of view, a failure to grasp what a media law conference or discussion is all about.
Such an issue cannot be tackled from a chaotic point of view as has prevailed where all and sundry could present as they please and talk about what might amount to a desire to build a ladder to the moon, censoring the web and shortwave broadcasts.
The main issues around media and freedom of expression in Zimbabwe remain the skewed, repressive media laws and abuse of the state media by Zanu PF and its functionaries. Media reforms in Zimbabwe would therefore have to look first at the state policies in relation to media issues, especially how the state, through its arsenal of laws, has virtually destroyed the media in Zimbabwe — save for a few newspapers — harassed for exposing state abuse of citizens.
The critical matter around levelling the Zimbabwe media playing field is removing restrictions on the operations of the media and the enactment of laws and policies that guarantee the independence of the state media.
Those in support on this conference cannot pretend that the state media is under any sort of pressure and that the private media in Zimbabwe is a domineering giant suppressing or misrepresenting the voice of those in government and Zimbabwe. The role of the international media is not a concern to Zimbabweans because we neither own, nor have the power to change, the CNN or BBC.
We can however change our own situation, after all the majority of Zimbabweans get their news locally and would appreciate having more local media. In this regard the conference had to acknowledge that the private media is so vulnerable and weak in Zimbabwe and any serious discussion on levelling the playing field has to start with the reasons for this decline, the closure of the Daily News, Tribune and other newspapers.
Such a discussion has to start with genuine policy issues around opening the airwaves and guaranteeing the independence of the ZBC so that it can represent all voices. The unity government cannot speak of regulation of the print media, success so far.
Who does not know of the “successes” of Zanu PF in regulating the media. Does it take a conference to know that the MIC shut down four newspapers and hounded hundreds of journalist out of the country? And is it the intention of the unity government to continue with the Mahoso-style of media regulation? If so shame on the unity government for this kind of thinking.
Serious discussion on reforms should look into the Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe, the Zimbabwe Media Commission and the Post and Telecommunications Regulatory Authority and how these are not democratically constituted to play any meaningful role in advancing media and communication issues.
The unity government cannot pretend, serve out of ignorance, that these bodies can license, regulate the media and the communications sector in a fair manner while they are not only weak, but directly under the control of politicians. The bodies also lack any technical capacity and independence to make decisions without political interference.
Media reforms cannot start on or be built on lies that we have regulatory bodies when in fact we have bodies that play a secretarial role to the decisions of politicians.
What did the conference say as an example about the closure of the Daily News, and other newspapers? What did the conference say about the continued detention of journalists? What did the conference say about the biased reporting of Zimpapers publications and ZBC?
What did the conference say about the continued coverage of Zanu PF cell meetings and not those of MDC-T, MDC M, NDU, Zanu Ndonga etc?
It is a shame that the unity government, especially those from the MDC, is being misled and abused in validating Zanu PF’s cover–up conferences. Without fundamentally looking at what the problems in the media in Zimbabwe are, we might as well forget about any meaningful reforms coming up.
The first point of call for any serious media conference is therefore the state or precisely Zanu PF polices on the media. Once we agree that these need reform, everything else will fall into place and citizens can agree on the media we all want. The failure by the unity government to condemn and do away with laws such as Aippa and BSA, among others, shows a lack of sincerity.
The media conference should have understood that in this day and age you cannot waste time discussing radio stations that are broadcasting on shortwave and internet-based sites. Who has control over these and who has the power in Zimbabwe to stop them?
The unity government however has the power to remove Aippa, license new broadcasters, reform the ZBC and Zimpapers to make them relevant to the needs of the people. These are the reforms that people are looking for.
Friday, 24 April 2009
Free Press no threat to Democracy- Rashweat Mukundu
IN the Sunday Mail of April 12 the defunct Media and Information Commission (MIC)’s chairperson Tafataona Mahoso wrote once again, as he has done for many years, on what was supposed to be a great revelation to the people of Zimbabwe regarding the role of the independent media that should, in his understanding, make the people afraid and sceptical of the “free press”. He does not explain what the free press is or why we should support the state-owned Zimbabwean press that is virtually under the control of Zanu PF and used for its propaganda purposes, even as we talk of a unity government.
The press that Mahoso writes for and supports denied the ravages of cholera, political violence, political prisoners, food shortages and many other social ills that have cost thousands of lives just a few months ago. It does not explain why we are in the ninth year of hunger despite the land reform.
In other words it serves the interests of Zanu PF which Mahoso confuses with those of Zimbabwe.
It is a press that is a curse to the people of Zimbabwe from its founding by Cecil John Rhodes to its takeover by Zanu PF.
More than writing about the “dangers” of the free press, we also need to understand that Mahoso writes for himself, seeking reassurance for his fears, both professional and personal. He seeks to fight against the rightful, historical and necessary erosion of a system that he has come to believe, and one his life is tied to and dependent on.
His defence of continued media repression by promoting an unfounded fear of the free press is a reflection of a personal, ideological and professional wilderness that he finds himself in.
Mahoso begins his article by anchoring his views on the supposed worldwide revolt against the corporate press, which he bands together with evils such as the worldwide financial crisis.
Yes, the independent press is part of the corporate sector in many areas, and in all fairness there is nothing wrong with the corporate sector. All modern states are developed as a result of personal/group enterprise.
As is the case in other sectors of the economy such as mining and manufacturing, the modern media cannot exist without investment in machinery, training, among other things. Indeed the whole process of news writing can be seen as an industrial process, from the way in which newsrooms are arranged to the final product received by consumers. There is nothing wrong with that.
In terms of its content, the media has systems that ensure fairness and balance. The challenge to maintain this balance is not enforced by laws like Aippa in democratic societies, but left to such bodies as voluntary media councils, training and direct interaction between media and its consumers. Consumers can exercise their power by simply not purchasing the product.
Media consumers are not empty slates waiting to be informed by the media; they interrogate what they read, believe it or throw it away depending on their background knowledge, social or political beliefs.
It is for this reason that most urbanites in Zimbabwe simply don’t believe the Herald, Mahoso and the Sunday Mail. The key issue in the relationship between the media and societies with a free press is that such a press is not homogenous.
The free press has natural countervailing forces and hence no single idea or view is dominant or forced onto society as is the case in Zimbabwe.
No media operates the same hence democratic and liberal societies allow as many voices to be heard as possible.
These voices are not expected to be monolithic, but diverse and representative of a multiplicity of views.
It is for these reasons that there were demonstrations in Washington, London, Paris etc against the war in Iraq and recently the Israeli war with Hamas in Palestine. It is precisely because of this that Mahoso was able to read about the voices labelling other media as part of the corporate sector in the West. Those voices were carried by the media; Mahoso was not part of the demonstrations in either Washington or London.
It is also because of this fundamental belief in the promotion of a free press and freedom of expression in general in democratic societies that Mahoso is able to quote, regularly out of context, the writings of many academics and activists on the left, in the West.
The same free thinking and freedoms that allows him to receive this information are unfortunately banned in Zimbabwe and he has been a chief advocate for the banning of the Daily News, the Tribune and other newspapers.
Mahoso does not believe in free thinking hence his support for the ban of foreign journalists and daylight robbery of foreign media organisations working in Zimbabwe and foreign journalists wishing to visit.
His reliance on the Western media and Western leftist ideas and information to formulate his warped thinking about how the press should be in Zimbabwe betrays his hypocrisy. Mahoso’s writings have largely benefited from the free press and freedom of expression ideals and practices of the west.
As is expected in most of his writings, Mahoso blatantly lies that the independent media first is a “regime change media” and secondly supported the call for sanctions. We don’t need to labour this argument other than say that Mahoso cannot produce a single story to support his statement.
Genuine criticism of Zanu PF by a concerned citizenry through the media is, in Mahoso’s scheme of things, regime change.
Mahoso talks of the rule of law in the media, by this I suppose he means banning newspapers that write what he does not like as he has already done.
And as for banning journalists who write what he does not like, again we need not labour ourselves on this matter save to say Mahoso is wrong because the media are the voices of the people, and you cannot ban corporates, individuals, political parties and civil society from speaking.
The rule of law with regard to the media should be about legal protection of media rights and state advancement of media and free expression rights, and restrictions on monopolies in the media industry, not about shutting down newspapers and arresting journalists as Mahoso advocates.
It is the need to advance free expression that the Windhoek Declaration was put in place. The Windhoek Declaration acknowledges the universality of freedom of expression. Obviously Mahoso does not.
At the end of it all, what we read in Mahoso’s Sunday Mail article is a convoluted and misleading argument that lacks an understanding of how the media operates and what its role is.
Friday, 27 March 2009
End of Ideology, Return of Economic Realism- Rashweat Mukundu
FOR many years Zimbabwe’s ruling elite has lived far beyond its means. Many activities of the past government, especially in the 1990s to 2 000, to a large extent contributed to the current economic crisis.
Examples that immediately come to mind include the Congo war adventure in which at some point Zimbabwe was spending more than US$1 million a day.
Those in power now might as well look at those days with both envy and regret. The cost of the Congo war to Zimbabwe has never been fully accounted to date, both in human and monetary terms.
The Congo adventure combined with the unbudgeted payments to war veterans and the looting of the same fund have also never been fully revealed in as far as how they dented the country’s purse and their contribution to the current economic crisis.
The social strife that arose from the economic challenges led to half- hearted political machinations such as the constitutional reform process meant to pacify a restive civil society.
When this failed the ruling elite went for broke, instigating farm invasions and political violence under such hollow slogans as “the land is the economy and the economy is the land”.
Zimbabwe has been poisoned by divisive politicians who churned out doses of meaningless ideological mantras. This only brought successive years of hunger and increased poverty.
Zimbabwe never recovered from this and has never been the same. The rest, as they say, is history. This background brings us to the latest efforts by the unity government to settle the wrongs of the past 15 years or so.
The new economic programme launched by President Robert Mugabe and crafted by the Ministry of Finance is probably the most realistic assessment of the economic and social quagmire that the previous government sunk this country into.
At the centre of this new document is the reality that Zimbabwe is broke and that this is the time to live within available means.
We will eat what we gather or collect, were the words of Finance minister Tendai Biti. In other words the living beyond our means by a few that continued even as Zimbabwe collapsed has to stop.
This included printing money to buy foreign currency, and the splashing of foreign currency to buy vehicles for senior military and government officials.
The days of government officials going to the Reserve Bank with a truckload of Zimbabwe dollars and coming out with wads of US dollars in their pockets have to stop.
The days of the Reserve Bank bankrolling political projects of Zanu PF and paying the “green bombers” have to stop.
And the days of army generals and brigadiers receiving the latest 4x4s on the market, every year, must come to an end.
This is the sole reason why the generals are sulking like little children: it’s not politics, trust me. Hiding under fighting sanctions and fighting imperialists, these economic evils were perpetuated to the detriment of the real national interests.
They promoted a culture of patronage, corruption and clientelism.
The new economic programme comes against the background of the formation of the unity government whose thrust is to resolve a number of challenges Zimbabwe is facing in all aspects of social life.
An important element of the Global Political Agreement upon which the economic programme is based is the absence of the usual ideological rhetoric of fighting imperialists, and “looking east where the sun rises” and hollow slogans of “Zimbabwe will never be a colony again”.
With the widespread and legal use of foreign currencies and dominance of foreign products in our shops, Zimbabwe seems very much like a colony again.
It seems finally the former ruling elite and former government has run full circle in understanding that the world has long since abandoned ideological leanings as the basis to conduct business.
The Chinese and Russians and others might have supported the liberation struggle in the 1970s purely on the basis of expanding their political beliefs and influence.
The realities of seeking economic growth and ultimately happiness for their societies have since led them to embrace market-based economic policies and the world, albeit maintaining a tight grip on politics.
In Zimbabwe Zanu PF succeeded in only one of these, that is maintaining a stranglehold on political discourse and participation while completely failing on the economic side.
While the Chinese maintain solidarity with Zimbabwe at the United Nations, this has not extended to broad-based economic support. Indeed China is concerned that it might not get economic returns for its investments and like the West, China sees Zimbabwe as risky.
The reporting by Chinese news agencies such as Xinhua also show how desperate the Chinese are for this unity government to work, because it gives their interactions with Zimbabwe legitimacy and a moral grounding. Zimbabwe, more than being a friend was becoming an irritant and one of those “friends” you want to keep at arm’s length and speak to in hushed tones.
President Mugabe visited China a few years ago and came back with a load of maize, the same stuff that USAid and the European Union are giving millions of starving people in Zimbabwe.
Basing economic policies and growth on utopian ideological beliefs of fighting and defeating phantom enemies has been the hallmark of the previous government.
This did not yield any results. Examples abound from which the unity government can learn from on how the world is moving.
These include the new thrust by the Obama government to reboot its relations with China, Iran, Syria and many other so-called rogue states.
While there are geo-political and security concerns for the USA, the bottom line is that ideology is no longer driving foreign relations, but national interest and survival.
China is the single largest buyer of US investments and it is China’s trillions that are expected to prop up the economic stimulus plan in the USA. In the USA, the federal government is becoming an active player in the economy, almost turning upside down the sacred principles of capitalism.
This reality demonstrates that Zimbabwe’s relations with the outside should be driven first by national interest and not personal egos or ideologies of a few who feel they are embodiments of the struggle and revolution.
Instead of travelling with army generals and bootlickers, we hope the president and prime minister can travel with CEOs of leading Zimbabwe industries, invite civil society to the table and engage academia.
Army generals and soldiers should keep their place in the barracks or follow the example of the late general Vitalis Zvinavashe into fulltime farming and business, and stop telling us who they want to salute or not: Zimbabwe is not one of their barracks or police camp.
Apart from reengaging the West which the unity government is already doing, the government should actively engage the east, not on the basis of hollow talk of the east being “where the sun rises” but the real business of investment, trade and assistance. It matters no more where the sun rises.
I don’t see anything wrong with the prime minister making a visit to Beijing one of his first priority trips abroad; it was so with US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. He is far better positioned to unlock assistance from China than President Mugabe.
The world is a maze of shifting alliances now driven by economic realities and not ideology.
This is the time for the unity government to make a realistic assessment of where help can come from and when.
A key matter as we move forward is to determine and have a clear timetable and benchmark on how Zimbabwe can move out of this current situation.
This programme cannot be one with infinite objectives, the people of Zimbabwe would want to see what the measurements of success are and when we attain them.
This programme has to take into account the real possibility that the West wants to see Zanu PF change its ways in some areas.
If President Mugabe is serious about this programme succeeding then he should release all political prisoners and stop unnecessary farm invasions.
He should rein in the army generals and police chiefs who are now a law unto themselves. The world might have gone through a lot, especially around the time of the cold war. Africa and Zimbabwe might have received some benefits from that division.
It seems now the present world has changed, and ideology and rhetoric can no longer bring a plate of food.
The days of President Mugabe haranguing the world won’t bring cholera medicine. Much thinking is needed and developing people and our society is the only key to national success.
Examples that immediately come to mind include the Congo war adventure in which at some point Zimbabwe was spending more than US$1 million a day.
Those in power now might as well look at those days with both envy and regret. The cost of the Congo war to Zimbabwe has never been fully accounted to date, both in human and monetary terms.
The Congo adventure combined with the unbudgeted payments to war veterans and the looting of the same fund have also never been fully revealed in as far as how they dented the country’s purse and their contribution to the current economic crisis.
The social strife that arose from the economic challenges led to half- hearted political machinations such as the constitutional reform process meant to pacify a restive civil society.
When this failed the ruling elite went for broke, instigating farm invasions and political violence under such hollow slogans as “the land is the economy and the economy is the land”.
Zimbabwe has been poisoned by divisive politicians who churned out doses of meaningless ideological mantras. This only brought successive years of hunger and increased poverty.
Zimbabwe never recovered from this and has never been the same. The rest, as they say, is history. This background brings us to the latest efforts by the unity government to settle the wrongs of the past 15 years or so.
The new economic programme launched by President Robert Mugabe and crafted by the Ministry of Finance is probably the most realistic assessment of the economic and social quagmire that the previous government sunk this country into.
At the centre of this new document is the reality that Zimbabwe is broke and that this is the time to live within available means.
We will eat what we gather or collect, were the words of Finance minister Tendai Biti. In other words the living beyond our means by a few that continued even as Zimbabwe collapsed has to stop.
This included printing money to buy foreign currency, and the splashing of foreign currency to buy vehicles for senior military and government officials.
The days of government officials going to the Reserve Bank with a truckload of Zimbabwe dollars and coming out with wads of US dollars in their pockets have to stop.
The days of the Reserve Bank bankrolling political projects of Zanu PF and paying the “green bombers” have to stop.
And the days of army generals and brigadiers receiving the latest 4x4s on the market, every year, must come to an end.
This is the sole reason why the generals are sulking like little children: it’s not politics, trust me. Hiding under fighting sanctions and fighting imperialists, these economic evils were perpetuated to the detriment of the real national interests.
They promoted a culture of patronage, corruption and clientelism.
The new economic programme comes against the background of the formation of the unity government whose thrust is to resolve a number of challenges Zimbabwe is facing in all aspects of social life.
An important element of the Global Political Agreement upon which the economic programme is based is the absence of the usual ideological rhetoric of fighting imperialists, and “looking east where the sun rises” and hollow slogans of “Zimbabwe will never be a colony again”.
With the widespread and legal use of foreign currencies and dominance of foreign products in our shops, Zimbabwe seems very much like a colony again.
It seems finally the former ruling elite and former government has run full circle in understanding that the world has long since abandoned ideological leanings as the basis to conduct business.
The Chinese and Russians and others might have supported the liberation struggle in the 1970s purely on the basis of expanding their political beliefs and influence.
The realities of seeking economic growth and ultimately happiness for their societies have since led them to embrace market-based economic policies and the world, albeit maintaining a tight grip on politics.
In Zimbabwe Zanu PF succeeded in only one of these, that is maintaining a stranglehold on political discourse and participation while completely failing on the economic side.
While the Chinese maintain solidarity with Zimbabwe at the United Nations, this has not extended to broad-based economic support. Indeed China is concerned that it might not get economic returns for its investments and like the West, China sees Zimbabwe as risky.
The reporting by Chinese news agencies such as Xinhua also show how desperate the Chinese are for this unity government to work, because it gives their interactions with Zimbabwe legitimacy and a moral grounding. Zimbabwe, more than being a friend was becoming an irritant and one of those “friends” you want to keep at arm’s length and speak to in hushed tones.
President Mugabe visited China a few years ago and came back with a load of maize, the same stuff that USAid and the European Union are giving millions of starving people in Zimbabwe.
Basing economic policies and growth on utopian ideological beliefs of fighting and defeating phantom enemies has been the hallmark of the previous government.
This did not yield any results. Examples abound from which the unity government can learn from on how the world is moving.
These include the new thrust by the Obama government to reboot its relations with China, Iran, Syria and many other so-called rogue states.
While there are geo-political and security concerns for the USA, the bottom line is that ideology is no longer driving foreign relations, but national interest and survival.
China is the single largest buyer of US investments and it is China’s trillions that are expected to prop up the economic stimulus plan in the USA. In the USA, the federal government is becoming an active player in the economy, almost turning upside down the sacred principles of capitalism.
This reality demonstrates that Zimbabwe’s relations with the outside should be driven first by national interest and not personal egos or ideologies of a few who feel they are embodiments of the struggle and revolution.
Instead of travelling with army generals and bootlickers, we hope the president and prime minister can travel with CEOs of leading Zimbabwe industries, invite civil society to the table and engage academia.
Army generals and soldiers should keep their place in the barracks or follow the example of the late general Vitalis Zvinavashe into fulltime farming and business, and stop telling us who they want to salute or not: Zimbabwe is not one of their barracks or police camp.
Apart from reengaging the West which the unity government is already doing, the government should actively engage the east, not on the basis of hollow talk of the east being “where the sun rises” but the real business of investment, trade and assistance. It matters no more where the sun rises.
I don’t see anything wrong with the prime minister making a visit to Beijing one of his first priority trips abroad; it was so with US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. He is far better positioned to unlock assistance from China than President Mugabe.
The world is a maze of shifting alliances now driven by economic realities and not ideology.
This is the time for the unity government to make a realistic assessment of where help can come from and when.
A key matter as we move forward is to determine and have a clear timetable and benchmark on how Zimbabwe can move out of this current situation.
This programme cannot be one with infinite objectives, the people of Zimbabwe would want to see what the measurements of success are and when we attain them.
This programme has to take into account the real possibility that the West wants to see Zanu PF change its ways in some areas.
If President Mugabe is serious about this programme succeeding then he should release all political prisoners and stop unnecessary farm invasions.
He should rein in the army generals and police chiefs who are now a law unto themselves. The world might have gone through a lot, especially around the time of the cold war. Africa and Zimbabwe might have received some benefits from that division.
It seems now the present world has changed, and ideology and rhetoric can no longer bring a plate of food.
The days of President Mugabe haranguing the world won’t bring cholera medicine. Much thinking is needed and developing people and our society is the only key to national success.
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